By Camilo Smith
By Craig Malisow
By Jeff Balke
By Angelica Leicht
By Jeff Balke
By Sean Pendergast
By Sean Pendergast
By Jeff Balke
A Love So Devine
Civil District Judge John Devine is a strident right-to-lifer who's decorated his courtroom in religious kitsch, but somehow the conservative Republican jurist has maintained soul connections to the ranks of godless Democratic plaintiff's lawyers -- connections that came in handy when he ran in last month's special election for the 25th Congressional District seat.
Devine raked in a total of $86,000 in contributions for his abortion of a congressional campaign, much of it emanating from lawyers who might wind up with cases in his court. Since state law now provides a limited window of opportunity for lawyers to shower sitting judges with contributions, Devine's congressional race provided another avenue to test the theory that the quickest way to a judge's heart is through his campaign account.
"Very clever," says one Democratic operative of the campaign cash sluiceway to Devine. "No wonder he ran for Congress!"
Devine's connections to the plaintiff's bar are not merely financial: The Christian conservative judge kicked up his heels last week in the company of attorney-under-fire John O'Quinn at a lavish Christmas blowout at the Ritz-Carlton hosted by plaintiff's attorney Richard Mithoff.
O'Quinn didn't personally contribute to Devine, but several lawyers in his firm did. Among the O'Quinn associates making the maximum $1,000 contributions to Devine were Thomas Pirtle, Carl Shaw and Dana Morris. Mary Laminack, the lawyer wife of O'Quinn partner Richard Laminack, also donated a grand to Devine's losing effort.
Erroneously listed as an O'Quinn & Laminack attorney on Devine's Federal Elections Commission disclosure is Dr. Donald Winston, a physician who consults for O'Quinn on medical aspects of the firm's cases. Winston denied that his $1,000 contribution had any connection to the other contributions from O'Quinn's attorneys.
"John Devine appears to be efficient and has the courage of his convictions," deadpanned Winston, who described the judge as "my favorite candidate in the race."
O'Quinn had a business relationship with Devine, having bought out Devine's practice, which included at least one breast-implant case, when Devine took office, at least according to what the judge said when he announced his congressional bid. But one downtown legal source snorts at that explanation, saying Devine was a contract employee for Brown & Root who didn't even have an active legal practice before running for judge. This source also claims Devine actively approached attorneys, some of whom practiced in his court, to solicit campaign contributions during his congressional campaign, a maneuver that is legal but ethically dubious. Devine did not return a call from The Insider concerning his campaign finances.
Another interesting contribution to Devine was a $500 gift from Howard Nations, a longtime Democrat who organized a PAC for Democratic judicial candidates several elections back. Then there was the $1,000 contribution from Windi Akins, a plaintiff's attorney who's married to former Oilers quarterback Dan Pastorini. Also chipping in a single $1,000 contribution was Tom McDade, O'Quinn's attorney in his current fight with the State Bar of Texas, and three of McDade's law partners.
Firms defending breast-implant manufacturers also covered their bases with Devine. Liddell, Sapp, Zivley, Hill & LaBoon forked over $1,000, as did the firm of Beirne Maynard & Parsons, which provides opposing counsel in Dow Corning cases involving O'Quinn.
Even with all that legal help, Devine garnered just 7 percent of the November 5 vote, a result that may have left many of his contributors with a feeling of relief. After all, that monetary goodwill would have been wasted had Devine gone to Congress, unless he had some secret plan to launch a national anti-tort reform movement.
The Harris County Council of Organizations is a collection of African-American ministers whose PAC usually can be counted on to line up solidly behind Democratic candidates, black and white -- but for a price.
In the November general election, Democrats such as Congressman Gene Green and judicial candidates George Ellis and Joe Draughn each forked over $500 to HCCO, which seemed to be the group's standard "endorsement fee" this go-round.
But the HCCO, which has gone through a split resulting in litigation by dissident members, was hurting for money until Republican District Judge Dwight Jefferson dropped $2,000 into the group's coffers after receiving its endorsement over his Democratic challenger, Elinor Walters. A Jefferson campaign associate says former port commissioner Howard Middleton appealed to the Jefferson camp to help the cash-strapped organization, and Jefferson came through in style.
Perhaps it's a lesson the ministerial PAC will remember in the next election: Republicans usually have more money to spare.
The Long Arm of Dave B.
Three of the candidates seeking to fill John Peavy Jr.'s at-large City Council seat in the January 18 special election each have some potent resources to draw on.
At the helm of the Reverend James Dixon's finance committee is Jim "Mattress Mac" McIngvale, who will presumably not only save you money but also raise some for Dixon.
But neither Bell nor Dixon can match the secret weapons of civic contrarian Dave B. Wilson, whose Ethics Committee complaint against Peavy for retaining part ownership of a city-franchised ice cream stand at Hobby Airport was responsible for Peavy's resignation from Council.