By Chris Lane
By Jeff Balke
By Aaron Reiss
By Angelica Leicht
By Dianna Wray
By Aaron Reiss
By Camilo Smith
By Craig Malisow
Criminal court judges under the old procedures had often appointed friends and political contributors to represent indigent defendants. The Texas legislature last year passed the Fair Defense Act, co-sponsored by state Senator Rodney Ellis of Houston. It sets qualifications for court-appointed lawyers as well as selection methods to minimize cronyism.
The law offers options including a master list of lawyers approved by district judges and a computerized random-selection process. Houston judges lobbied heavily in Austin for compromise language in the act that allows them to ignore some of the requirements and choose alternate appointment systems.
"The intention was to help ensure that even the poorest people in our state had access to fair and due process," explains Ellis. "Legislation allowed the counties a great deal of local control in this endeavor. Any attempt to subvert the intent of the law risks preventing someone from getting adequate representation."
Under the system adopted by Harris County, criminal and juvenile courts and judicial referees work off a master list of attorneys, using a system of rotation to pick from among five names. The attorneys not selected are then eligible for the next appointment.
In Juvenile Judge Pat Shelton's 313th District Court, several attorneys claim the new law doesn't seem to change things much, at least for the lawyers who contribute heavily to the judge and get the lion's share of the court's appointments.
The law went into effect at the end of 2001. For the first five months of this year, the top seven attorneys receiving appointments by Shelton were George Clevenger, partners Glenn Devlin and John Phillips, Oliver Sprott Jr., Evan Glick, Kathleen Robbins and Dan Kundiger.
Republican Shelton is running for re-election against Democrat Teresa Ramirez -- and the early big contributors to his effort just happen to be six of those same seven lawyers. Shelton's campaign report covering last fall lists Devlin as contributing $4,500, presumably covering his law partner's share, Clevenger anted up $2,000, Glick $3,000, Sprott $5,000 and Robbins $1,000. Kundiger contributed only $500, but there's plenty of time before November to catch up with the pack.
Rewind to July 1, 1999, when the Houston Press feature "Bully on the Bench" focused on Shelton. It reported that Phillips, Devlin, Glick and Sprott were among attorneys participating in a controversial cash appointment system pioneered by Shelton. If defendants and families arrived in court without an attorney, Shelton would tell them to hire one of the lawyers present. The cash payment would be made in the hallway outside the court.
The small clique of attorneys has fed well at Shelton's court table. Latest figures show that, this year to date, the 313th has approved payments to Sprott of $70,186, more than $56,000 to Devlin and Phillips, $45,550 to Glick and $53,054 to Clevenger.
By contrast, the highest total paid by Juvenile Judge Mary Craft to an attorney this year was $23,455 to Bonnie Fitch. The highest for Juvenile Presiding Judge Kent Ellis was $28,242 to attorney Aneeta Jamal.
Back in 1999, an attorney who practices in the juvenile courts told the Press that Shelton's former court coordinator advised him that a $1,000 minimum contribution would be helpful if he wanted appointments in the 313th. The level of contributions seems to have risen faster than the inflation rate.
Shelton referred calls about the new appointments system to Judge Ellis, the administrative jurist. However, Shelton court coordinator Zoe Smith expressed surprise at the idea that certain attorneys were continuing to receive the bulk of the appointments.
"We're on the computer system," she exclaimed. If so, it seems to be a computer with some well-honed political instincts.
Smith suggested that many of those appointments come through the County Juvenile Detention Center. The referee there is Beverly Malazzo, a former chief prosecutor in Shelton's court.
Malazzo says she uses the same rotation system as the juvenile judges, and the attorneys are appointed before they're assigned to a particular court. She has no explanation for why the same attorneys would continue to get more appointments in the 313th.
Asked about the differences in the appointment pattern between his court and Shelton's, Judge Ellis replied, "I really don't know how to account for it other than to say historically he has tended to do more appointments in the courtroom, and I don't know how that's happening down there, if it's happening down there. So I don't know how to explain the anomaly you're talking about, if it exists." Ellis says he's received no complaints from attorneys about it.
Ellis is critical of the selection method, explaining that it has introduced lawyers who are unfamiliar with the juvenile justice system. He says the task of notifying attorneys picked from the list is weighing down court coordinators with paperwork and phone calls, and resulting in higher fees for lawyers because of multiple visits to the detention center to handle cases. Ellis is mulling changes to present to the county juvenile board.
Malazzo agrees with Ellis, saying the county is paying more but not necessarily getting improved legal services.
"There's no doubt about it, this system is extremely costly," she says. "And I don't believe that the children are getting any better representation than they were before."
Meanwhile, county criminal court judges, whose courts have long been a bastion of jurist-lawyer cronyism, are reportedly preparing to junk the rotation process completely and return to having judges pick appointees off a much shorter list. Assistant county courts manager Wayne Bowling says he's waiting to hear from judges Analia Wilkerson and Jean Spradling Hughes on which direction the courts will go.
Democratic activist and criminal attorney David Jones figures the judges just want to keep their pet stable of lawyers, who tended to value their relationships with the court as much as their defense of clients.
"My guess is they've lost an element of control off their dockets and they're seeing too many new faces who are not sympathetic to the status quo arrangements of working cases out," says Jones. "Maybe certain cases are being set for trial that under normal circumstances would be pled out."
Jones is advising Democratic candidates for criminal courts in November to jump on the attorney selection issue. "There are two or three hundred lawyers who've just been told to go fuck themselves," he notes.
On the other hand, incumbent judges who campaign for re-election on the slogan "Screw the Lawyers" just might wind up with landslide victories.
Jew Don's New Gig
Just when we were wondering how former mayor pro tem Jew Don Boney Jr. was making a living since getting term-limited off City Council, an anonymous correspondent helpfully mailed The Insider a draft contract.
The proposed pact between the Port of Houston Authority and Boney will be considered by the Port Commission board June 24. According to the paperwork, Boney would provide "professional services" in the areas of community relations, development of emerging markets and outreach to small businesses to get them involved in port programs. Boney is one of 19 unpaid members on the port's Small Business Advisory Council.
The draft of the one-year contract does not specify how much Boney will be paid.
A port insider scoffs at the arrangement, calling it a political plum for a former council ally of Mayor Lee Brown -- one being pushed by Kase Lawal, the Port Commission vice chairman and friend of the mayor.
Port Chair Jim Edmonds denies that the proposed contract would be political pork for Boney. "I don't view it that way," he says. "He's going to earn what we pay him."
The Insider traded phone messages with but was unable to contact Boney, who was in Los Angeles on business.
So we consulted his Web page, Jewdonboney.com, which headlines the many talents of Boney: political consultant, activist, lecturer and motivational speaker -- and it still lists him as City of Houston mayor pro tem and District D councilmember.
It offers Boney lectures on "Socio-Economic Strategies for the Next Millennium," price-tagged at $800 to $1,250, plus travel and lodging. Leadership development training for community-based organizations can be had for $1,800 plus T&L.
Next week, we'll likely find out the cost of those professional services he'll be providing for the port.